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And, curiously enough, the age-old homophobic fears of parents seem to have some genuine predictive currency.
But it is, at least, probably fairly accurate. Although not the first scientists to investigate the earliest antecedents of same-sex attraction, J. Michael Bailey, a psychologist from Northwestern University, and Canadian psychiatrist Kenneth Zucker published the seminal paper on childhood markers of homosexuality with their controversial review article in Developmental Psychology.
In other words, nobody is disputing the genetic factors underlying adult homosexuality or the well-established prenatal influences; but the present work is orthogonal to those causal models.
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Instead, it is simply meant to index the nonerotic behavioral clues that best predict which children are most likely to be attracted, as adults, to those of the same sex, and which are not. In innumerable studies, scientists have documented that these sex differences are largely impervious to learning and found in every culture examined even, some researchers believe, in youngsters of other primate species.
The most salient among these differences are observed in the domain of play. In fact, toy interests are another key sex difference, with boys gravitating towards things like toy machine guns and monster trucks and girls orienting towards neotenous dolls and hyperfeminized figurines.get link
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Young children of both sexes enjoy fantasy—or pretend— play , but the roles that the two sexes take on within the fantasy context are already clearly gender-segregated by as early as two years of age, with girls enacting the role of, say, cooing mothers, ballerinas or fairy princesses and boys strongly preferring more masculine characters, such as soldiers and superheroes. Not surprisingly, therefore, boys naturally select other boys for playmates, and girls would much rather play with other girls than with boys.
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Empirically, explain the authors, there are two ways to investigate the relation between sex-typed behaviors and later sexual orientation. Usually this is done by using something like the famous Kinsey Scale , which involves a semistructured clinical interview about sexual behavior and sexual fantasies to rate people on a scale of 0 exclusively heterosexual to 6 exclusively homosexual.
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Conducting prospective studies of this sort is not terribly practical, explain Bailey and Zucker, for several reasons. First, given that only about 10 percent of the population is homosexual, a rather large number of prehomosexuals are needed to obtain a sufficient sample size of eventually gay adults, and this would require a huge oversampling of children just in case some turn out gay.
Second, a longitudinal study tracking the sexuality of children into late adolescence takes a long time—around sixteen years—so the prospective approach is very slow-going. Finally, and perhaps the biggest problem with prospective homosexuality studies, not a lot of parents are likely to volunteer their children. For example, in a issue of Developmental Psychology , University of Toronto psychologist Kelley Drummond and her colleagues interviewed 25 adult women who, as children between years of age, were referred by their parents for assessment at a mental health clinic. Although it took about a year to admit to himself that his Castro days were over, one incident stands out.
For Andrew Brin, who grew up in Milwaukee, it was all about girls—until he had sex with a guy at the end of his senior year of high school. In his early thirties, Brin started dating a man and came out to his brother. For Ethan Robinson not his real name , a year-old film editor from Los Angeles, chasing women during his post-college years became a chore.
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